First Russo-Chechnian war [1994-1997]
Articles
The problem of Chechnya is not as new as it might seem. Conflicts between Russia and the Chechen ethnic group date back to the 18th century, when Tsar Peter I sought to gain access to the Black Sea. The obstacle was the North Caucasus.
In addition to cultural, historical or economic importance, urban areas have very often played a decisive role; possibly at least significantly affected; military operations. Fights between Greek city-states, Persian campaigns, the struggle for Rome (Rome itself has become a direct part of 12 military operations during its existence ), or examples from the recent past of Stalingrad, Basra, Beirut, Sarajevo, Grozny, Najaf, Kirkuk suggest that together with the trends outlined above, military conflict in cities will certainly not be avoided in the future. Every US military operation since 1990 to this day has included, to a greater or lesser extent, urban combat.
For many years, M.L. Mil was the design supplier of helicopters for the Soviet army. Although N.I. Kamov's competition office participated in a number of competitions announced by the army, Mil's position was unshakable until the army announced a competition for a new combat helicopter in search of an equivalent counterweight to the American AAH program.
The aim of this work is to be a relevant commentary on the relationship between the phenomenon of Chechen terrorism and the form or orientation of the counter-terrorism policy of the Russian Federation. Since it is relatively easy to recognize the causal aspects of these relationships at the general level of knowledge of the area, the authors did not try to test hypotheses based on the mentioned causality, but rather specified the interpretation of their structural and immediate causes.
Introduction Looking at newspapers and magazines dealing with the political situation in the world, the reader may from time to time come across a diverse range of information and analysis concerning the Caucasus region. Their content is terrorism, Islamic radicalism, separatism, or the issue of European energy security. What these diverse concepts have in common is that they are within reach of Moscow. Russia intervenes in the North Caucasus, which is the south of the federation, as well as the South Caucasus, which is the so-called near border region. The focus of this work is the Chechen Republic, which seems to be directly or indirectly involved in most of the major factors affecting the area. The question is what makes this area so important and deserving of such significant attention from Russian political elites.
1. The First and Second Russian-Chechen War (1990-1999) The Chechen question became an important and still present chapter in the history of the Russian Federation in the 1990s. At the time of its creation, Chechen separatism was not as specific and non-standard as it might seem. Declarations of independence and separatist rhetoric were a common phenomenon during the collapse of the USSR and it was almost a fad. It was a revolutionary period associated with democratization and the idea of achieving a (completely) different social establishment. Moscow's foreign policy leaned towards Westernism in the early 1990s, and Boris Yeltsin became famous for creating a so-called parade of sovereignty, visiting federal republics and offering them "as much sovereignty as I can handle." with stubbornness at a higher level.
2. Chechenization and Kadyrovization (1999-2011) At the turn of the millennium, Moscow believed that, due to domestic and foreign public opinion, the persistence of Russian troops on Chechen territory would not be appropriate. It cost disproportionately high financial, material, but also moral costs and weakened the political position abroad. The situation seemed to benefit from an official change in the region's governance system to a more media-friendly form. Several variants were offered as a solution. From the directive central administration of the territory from Moscow ( proposed by the military elites ), to leaving the administration in the hands of Chechens.
3. Key points for Russian politics and its tools The importance of the Russian-Chechen wars for the Russian military elites is not negligible. At the time of the first conflict, the army was in a bad economic situation. The end of the Cold War and the collapse of the USSR, together with economic reforms, led to savings in the Ministry of Defense. This was reflected in the first conflict with Chechnya, when the army proved unprepared for combat. The failure of the advance of ill-prepared troops prolonged the fighting, and more importantly, the poor situation of Russian troops probably also contributed to the factor of military crimes.
4. The North Caucasus The Chechen Republic is not the only country in the North Caucasus with an unstable political and social situation. Separatist tendencies and Islamic radicalism spread mainly between 1999 and 2003 to Ingushetia, Dagestan, Kabardino-Balkaria, and partly to the countries of the South Caucasus. Today, the media describe almost every country as "the most violent area in the Russian Federation."
Conclusion The weakening of Kadyrov's power through the North Caucasus Federal District seems to be the latest goal of the Russian Federation. As the stability of Chechnya is currently too dependent on Kadyr, this seems a sensible step. Its weakening will mean less of a threat in the event of its political downfall. To do this, however, it will be necessary to limit its power much more significantly. This goal is also confirmed by the approach to other presidents in an area whose competencies remain limited.
Looking at newspapers and magazines dealing with the political situation in the world, the reader may from time to time come across a diverse range of information and analysis concerning the Caucasus region. Their content is terrorism, Islamic radicalism, separatism, or the issue of European energy security. What these diverse concepts have in common is that they are within reach of Moscow. Russia intervenes in the North Caucasus, which is the south of the federation, as well as the South Caucasus, which is the so-called near border region. The focus of this work is the Chechen Republic, which seems to be directly or indirectly involved in most of the major factors affecting the area. The question is what makes this area so important and deserving of such significant attention from Russian political elites.
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