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Azerbaijan's relations with Russia: the path of pragmatism

The submitted commentary aims at a brief reflection of the relationship between Azerbaijan and Russia. It pays particular attention to its changes from a very cold approach on both sides to a gradual cautious rapprochement and does not neglect the wider geopolitical context.

Bloody Sunday, January 9 (22), 1905 in St. Petersburg - Part 1

The Tsar turned away from the people and fired on them ... Thousands of victims in St. Petersburg ... The Cossacks fired a peaceful demonstration with machine guns and cut with sabers ... so the contemporary press wrote, and so far this information is published to be true.
What actually happened and why? How many were dead? Did Nicholas II give the order to fire? What started the "second" Russian revenge?

Bloody Sunday, January 9 (22), 1905 in St. Petersburg - Part 2

It was Sunday, January 9, 1905, and a bloody drama was brewing in St. Petersburg. Forty thousand members of the army and police stood against the crowd of 150,000 carrying out the petition to their tsar, who was absent at the time, in the Winter Palace, with orders not to let the crowd near the Winter Palace ... It should be noted, however, that the organizers of the march were informed.

Bloody Sunday, January 9 (22), 1905 in St. Petersburg - Part 3

Crowds of residents, men, women and children have been gathering in various places in St. Petersburg since early morning. It is not a single march, but lots of small ones that merge from all directions to a single destination, and that is the Winter Palace. The mood in the individual streams is different, sometimes reminiscent of church processions, other times gangs about to loot and destroy - depending on which leaders took the baton.

Bloody Sunday, January 9 (22), 1905 in St. Petersburg - Part 4

On the evening of January 9, St. Petersburg looked like the boiling cauldron. All parties involved are, to put it mildly, very surprised by today's events and are looking for a solution to what to do next. The accused fall on all sides, arrest, count the dead and the wounded, rumors spread, nervousness grows.

Chinese sky I

Outline of the initial situation and operations of the USSR and Imperial Japan against China in Manchuria during the late 1920s and early 1930s.

CIA against the Moscow coup

Neo-Stalinist attempt to reverse not only the USSR but the world failed On Sunday, August 18, 1991, a quarter of an hour before midnight, security adviser Brent Scowcroft called President George W. Bush at a summer residence in Kennebunkport, Maine: "I just listened to CNN. There is a coup in Moscow. They dismounted Gorbachev. He is said to have resigned for serious health reasons. The state committee for the state of emergency took over the leadership of the state. The eight-member body is headed by current Vice President Gennady Janayev, its members are KGB chairman Vladimir Kryuchkov, Prime Minister Valentin Pavlov, Interior Minister Boris Pugo, Defense Minister Dmitry Yazov and the head of the military-industrial complex Oleg Baklanov.

Defensive war of the USSR ? Part 1

The best defense is in the enemy's territory - a handbook of Red Army tactics.
Real Soviet plans to enter WWII and communist propaganda obscuring reality to this day. Controversy over the works of V. Suvorov

Defensive war of the USSR ? Part 3

The Workers 'and Peasants' Red Army will be the most offensive of any army that has ever attacked.
DRRA field regulations from 1939
Mines are a great thing, but they are a remedy for the weak, for those who defend themselves. We do not need mines, but means of demining
Marshal of the USSR G.I. Kulik, early June 1941

Defensive war of the USSR ? Part 4

In conditions where we are surrounded by enemies, everything is dealt with by an unexpected blow from our side, an unexpected maneuver and speed. J. Stalin

Geopolitical aspects of Soviet aggression against Czechoslovakia in August 1968

The dissertation focuses on the general context of the aggressive action of the five armies of the Warsaw Pact Organization towards Czechoslovakia in August 1968. Unlike historiographies of generally favored ideological contradictions, it seeks explanation of the whole event in the basic aspects of promoting the superpower interests of the Soviet Union, especially in the military-strategic field. However, the problem with processing is the lack of primary information sources, which are still subject to the strictest secrecy. In contrast, information is available, including theoretical analyzes of doctrinal issues in the professional press. Above all, however, it is possible to use information on the practical implementation of organizational and conceptual guidelines, which were based on doctrinal and strategic concepts. Due to the close interconnectedness of the armed forces of the Warsaw Pact Organization, the basic outlines of Soviet strategic concepts can also be observed from their application in Czechoslovak conditions. Given the apparent continuity of Soviet foreign and military policy from the 1930s to the 1980s, geopolitical aspects of active Soviet involvement on the international stage could be defined. The Soviet political and military leadership, regardless of the ideological rejection of the terms "geopolitics" or "life interests," was in principle guided by them. The work thus shows the significant interconnectedness of Soviet superpower ambitions, especially with the European, Mediterranean and Middle Eastern space.

Geopolitical aspects of Soviet aggression against Czechoslovakia in August 1968 - 1. Introduction

The dissertation focuses on the general context of the aggressive action of the five armies of the Warsaw Pact Organization towards Czechoslovakia in August 1968. Unlike historiographies of generally favored ideological contradictions, it seeks explanation of the whole event in the basic aspects of promoting the superpower interests of the Soviet Union, especially in the military-strategic field. However, the problem with processing is the lack of primary information sources, which are still subject to the strictest secrecy. In contrast, information is available, including theoretical analyzes of doctrinal issues in the professional press. Above all, however, it is possible to use information on the practical implementation of organizational and conceptual guidelines, which were based on doctrinal and strategic concepts. Due to the close interconnectedness of the armed forces of the Warsaw Pact Organization, the basic outlines of Soviet strategic concepts can also be observed from their application in Czechoslovak conditions. Given the apparent continuity of Soviet foreign and military policy from the 1930s to the 1980s, geopolitical aspects of active Soviet involvement on the international stage could be defined. The Soviet political and military leadership, regardless of the ideological rejection of the terms "geopolitics" or "life interests," was in principle guided by them. The work thus shows the significant interconnectedness of Soviet superpower ambitions, especially with the European, Mediterranean and Middle Eastern space.

Geopolitical aspects of Soviet aggression against Czechoslovakia in August 1968 - 2. Theoretical foundations of the Soviet military

The dissertation focuses on the general context of the aggressive action of the five armies of the Warsaw Pact Organization towards Czechoslovakia in August 1968. Unlike historiographies of generally favored ideological contradictions, it seeks explanation of the whole event in the basic aspects of promoting the superpower interests of the Soviet Union, especially in the military-strategic field. However, the problem with processing is the lack of primary information sources, which are still subject to the strictest secrecy. In contrast, information is available, including theoretical analyzes of doctrinal issues in the professional press. Above all, however, it is possible to use information on the practical implementation of organizational and conceptual guidelines, which were based on doctrinal and strategic concepts. Due to the close interconnectedness of the armed forces of the Warsaw Pact Organization, the basic outlines of Soviet strategic concepts can also be observed from their application in Czechoslovak conditions. Given the apparent continuity of Soviet foreign and military policy from the 1930s to the 1980s, geopolitical aspects of active Soviet involvement on the international stage could be defined. The Soviet political and military leadership, regardless of the ideological rejection of the terms "geopolitics" or "life interests," was in principle guided by them. The work thus shows the significant interconnectedness of Soviet superpower ambitions, especially with the European, Mediterranean and Middle Eastern space.

Geopolitical aspects of Soviet aggression against Czechoslovakia in August 1968 - 3rd Soviet Army in the 1960s

The dissertation focuses on the general context of the aggressive action of the five armies of the Warsaw Pact Organization towards Czechoslovakia in August 1968. Unlike historiographies of generally favored ideological contradictions, it seeks explanation of the whole event in the basic aspects of promoting the superpower interests of the Soviet Union, especially in the military-strategic field. However, the problem with processing is the lack of primary information sources, which are still subject to the strictest secrecy. In contrast, information is available, including theoretical analyzes of doctrinal issues in the professional press. Above all, however, it is possible to use information on the practical implementation of organizational and conceptual guidelines, which were based on doctrinal and strategic concepts. Due to the close interconnectedness of the armed forces of the Warsaw Pact Organization, the basic outlines of Soviet strategic concepts can also be observed from their application in Czechoslovak conditions. Given the apparent continuity of Soviet foreign and military policy from the 1930s to the 1980s, geopolitical aspects of active Soviet involvement on the international stage could be defined. The Soviet political and military leadership, regardless of the ideological rejection of the terms "geopolitics" or "life interests," was in principle guided by them. The work thus shows the significant interconnectedness of Soviet superpower ambitions, especially with the European, Mediterranean and Middle Eastern space.

Geopolitical aspects of Soviet aggression against Czechoslovakia in August 1968 - 4. Organization of the Warsaw Pact

The dissertation focuses on the general context of the aggressive action of the five armies of the Warsaw Pact Organization towards Czechoslovakia in August 1968. Unlike historiographies of generally favored ideological contradictions, it seeks explanation of the whole event in the basic aspects of promoting the superpower interests of the Soviet Union, especially in the military-strategic field. However, the problem with processing is the lack of primary information sources, which are still subject to the strictest secrecy. In contrast, information is available, including theoretical analyzes of doctrinal issues in the professional press. Above all, however, it is possible to use information on the practical implementation of organizational and conceptual guidelines, which were based on doctrinal and strategic concepts. Due to the close interconnectedness of the armed forces of the Warsaw Pact Organization, the basic outlines of Soviet strategic concepts can also be observed from their application in Czechoslovak conditions. Given the apparent continuity of Soviet foreign and military policy from the 1930s to the 1980s, geopolitical aspects of active Soviet involvement on the international stage could be defined. The Soviet political and military leadership, regardless of the ideological rejection of the terms "geopolitics" or "life interests," was in principle guided by them. The work thus shows the significant interconnectedness of Soviet superpower ambitions, especially with the European, Mediterranean and Middle Eastern space.

Geopolitical aspects of Soviet aggression against Czechoslovakia in August 1968 - 5. Soviet interests and geopolitics

The dissertation focuses on the general context of the aggressive action of the five armies of the Warsaw Pact Organization towards Czechoslovakia in August 1968. Unlike historiographies of generally favored ideological contradictions, it seeks explanation of the whole event in the basic aspects of promoting the superpower interests of the Soviet Union, especially in the military-strategic field. However, the problem with processing is the lack of primary information sources, which are still subject to the strictest secrecy. In contrast, information is available, including theoretical analyzes of doctrinal issues in the professional press. Above all, however, it is possible to use information on the practical implementation of organizational and conceptual guidelines, which were based on doctrinal and strategic concepts. Due to the close interconnectedness of the armed forces of the Warsaw Pact Organization, the basic outlines of Soviet strategic concepts can also be observed from their application in Czechoslovak conditions. Given the apparent continuity of Soviet foreign and military policy from the 1930s to the 1980s, geopolitical aspects of active Soviet involvement on the international stage could be defined. The Soviet political and military leadership, regardless of the ideological rejection of the terms "geopolitics" or "life interests," was in principle guided by them. The work thus shows the significant interconnectedness of Soviet superpower ambitions, especially with the European, Mediterranean and Middle Eastern space.

Geopolitical aspects of Soviet aggression against Czechoslovakia in August 1968 - 6. Conclusion

The dissertation focuses on the general context of the aggressive action of the five armies of the Warsaw Pact Organization towards Czechoslovakia in August 1968. Unlike historiographies of generally favored ideological contradictions, it seeks explanation of the whole event in the basic aspects of promoting the superpower interests of the Soviet Union, especially in the military-strategic field. However, the problem with processing is the lack of primary information sources, which are still subject to the strictest secrecy. In contrast, information is available, including theoretical analyzes of doctrinal issues in the professional press. Above all, however, it is possible to use information on the practical implementation of organizational and conceptual guidelines, which were based on doctrinal and strategic concepts. Due to the close interconnectedness of the armed forces of the Warsaw Pact Organization, the basic outlines of Soviet strategic concepts can also be observed from their application in Czechoslovak conditions. Given the apparent continuity of Soviet foreign and military policy from the 1930s to the 1980s, geopolitical aspects of active Soviet involvement on the international stage could be defined. The Soviet political and military leadership, regardless of the ideological rejection of the terms "geopolitics" or "life interests," was in principle guided by them. The work thus shows the significant interconnectedness of Soviet superpower ambitions, especially with the European, Mediterranean and Middle Eastern space.

Geopolitical aspects of Soviet aggression against Czechoslovakia in August 1968 - 7. Information sources

The dissertation focuses on the general context of the aggressive action of the five armies of the Warsaw Pact Organization towards Czechoslovakia in August 1968. Unlike historiographies of generally favored ideological contradictions, it seeks explanation of the whole event in the basic aspects of promoting the superpower interests of the Soviet Union, especially in the military-strategic field. However, the problem with processing is the lack of primary information sources, which are still subject to the strictest secrecy. In contrast, information is available, including theoretical analyzes of doctrinal issues in the professional press. Above all, however, it is possible to use information on the practical implementation of organizational and conceptual guidelines, which were based on doctrinal and strategic concepts. Due to the close interconnectedness of the armed forces of the Warsaw Pact Organization, the basic outlines of Soviet strategic concepts can also be observed from their application in Czechoslovak conditions. Given the apparent continuity of Soviet foreign and military policy from the 1930s to the 1980s, geopolitical aspects of active Soviet involvement on the international stage could be defined. The Soviet political and military leadership, regardless of the ideological rejection of the terms "geopolitics" or "life interests," was in principle guided by them. The work thus shows the significant interconnectedness of Soviet superpower ambitions, especially with the European, Mediterranean and Middle Eastern space.

Geopolitics in Central Asia

Central Asia is an important region, both militarily and economically, in which the great powers are showing increasing interest. The collapse of the USSR resulted in the independence of the five Central Asian republics, which naturally began to seek new allies and partners in the international system. The involvement of world and regional powers did not take long, and the region soon gained a distinctive name: the New Balkans. The strategic position, the rich raw material base, as well as the ethnic and religious composition are motives that continuously contribute to the intensification of the rivalry between the main international players in Central Asia.

Georgia - Part 1

South Ossetia lies on the southern foothills of the Caucasus. There are 50 different ethnic groups living side by side, many of whom belong to completely different language groups. These differences exacerbate the intolerance that has existed in the region for centuries. The war in South Ossetia in the summer of 2008 was the result of long-standing political disputes and sporadic military clashes that killed dozens of people.

History of the Russian naval fleet IX. - XVI. century - Part 1

The article describes the period of the fighting of the Russian Navy from the second half of 9th century to the second half of the 16th century when the first organized unit was formed - a fleet on the Baltic Sea. In the 1st millennium, the fighting took place off the coast of the Russian (Black) Sea, exceptionally, ships appeared in the Marman Sea. During the 12th century, the expansion of the Swedes to the Gulf of Finland progressed and the main combat activity moved here. In the 15th - 16th century, the focus of the fighting shifted back to the Black Sea. The combined Swedish and Finnish troops later reached the Gulf of Finland, which prompted Tsar Ivan IV. to create a permanent naval fleet in the Baltic Sea.

Is Russia a secular or Orthodox state?

The Russian Orthodox Church has experienced a revival over the last 20 years, which has significantly increased its influence in various areas of Russian society. During the existence of the USSR, the RPC was a persecuted religious organization and one of the main opponents of the regime, while in the early 90's it supported the liberal reforms of former President Yeltsin. Especially during the reign of Vladimir Putin, however, she began to be close to state power and gradually managed to gain a privileged position, which raises doubts about the secular character of the Russian Federation. So is Russia an Orthodox or secular state today?

Ivan IV. Terrible - A murderer and a Christian on the throne

The large boyar and princely families were in the 14th and 15th centuries supporters and opponents of the Moscow dynasty. The power of the great prince of Moscow protected them from devastating local wars and raids by nomads, but at the same time they sought to participate in this power. In this ambiguous relationship of boyars to the monarch clearly prevailed after the death of Vasily III. (1533) Respect for the Authority of the Throne. They stood up for his then three-year-old son Ivan, and even after the death of his mother Jelena GlinskΓ‘ (she was poisoned in 1538 ), they did not leave him. They ruled on his behalf, they enriched themselves, but they did not allow the right of a minor monarch to be questioned. Both uncles of little Ivan - Yuri and Andrei, brothers Vasily III. - They ended up in a famine. This boy's allegiance to little Ivan was primarily the work of their egoism, which commanded the support of a ruler who could not rule himself. This opened the way for powerful families to unrestricted oligarchic government.

Khrushchev: No Korolyov - the Soviet people created a satellite!

S.P. Korolyov was a hundred years old. Big anniversary. There are various articles about it with minor or major errors. I have devoted myself to Korolyov with breaks for half a century, so I would like to put some things in perspective, albeit in a broader context.

Russia - Georgian relations and the war on Abkhazia and South Ossetia

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Moscow tried to find a way to maintain influence in the post-Soviet republics. To this end, the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) was founded in 1991, which was joined by most of the post-Soviet states. Georgia refused to join the CIS. Since then, Russia's entire relationship with Georgia has been based on efforts to force Georgia to join the CIS. The growing ethnic conflicts between the Georgians and local minorities, which eventually escalated into a war between Georgia and separatist Abkhazia and South Ossetia, respectively, seemed to be a great means of coercion.

Russia - Georgian relations and the war on Abkhazia and South Ossetia: 1. Georgia's relations with Russia

Georgia's relations with Russia are one of the fundamental keys to understanding the conflicts in Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Without taking into account the broadest context of these relations, it is not possible to properly orientate oneself in the complex issues of the origin and course of conflicts and the large number of reversals in their resolution.

Russia - Georgian relations and the war on Abkhazia and South Ossetia: 2. Georgia and national minorities

At the time of its independence, 70% of Georgians and 30% of representatives of ethnic minorities ( mainly Armenians, Russians, Azerbaijanis, Ossetians, Greeks and Abkhazians ) lived in Georgia. At that time, Russians ( occupiers ) and other ethnic minorities, especially the Ossetians and Abkhazians, who were called " guests on Georgian soil ", were not particularly welcome in the country.

Russia - Georgian relations and the war on Abkhazia and South Ossetia: Conclusion

Russia willingly provided weapons to Georgia to exacerbate the situation in the conflict zones and secure a mediator position so that it could control the conflicts so that Georgia could reach a " dead end " and be forced to join the Commonwealth of Independent States and use Russian " disciplinary " assistance. rebellious territories.
The motive was also to prevent the independence of the separatist Georgian territories, so as not to set a precedent to which Chechnya, one of the entities of the Russian Federation that shared separatist sentiments with Abkhazia and South Ossetia, could set itself.

Russia - Georgian relations and the war on Abkhazia and South Ossetia: Introduction

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Moscow tried to find a way to maintain influence in the post-Soviet republics. To this end, the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) was founded in 1991, which was joined by most of the post-Soviet states. Georgia refused to join the CIS. Since then, Russia's entire relationship with Georgia has been based on efforts to force Georgia to join the CIS. The growing ethnic conflicts between the Georgians and local minorities, which eventually escalated into a war between Georgia and separatist Abkhazia and South Ossetia, respectively, seemed to be a great means of coercion.

Russia - is its political and economic rise really a threat?

Whether you open any information medium today and it doesn't matter whether it's the press or the Internet, it's hard to overlook the phenomenon of today - RUSSIA. I am not an admirer of Russia or an idealist, but is the policy of the West ( including ours ) really so pure, unmistakable, and on the contrary, has Russia remained the same as in the Bolshevik era?

Russia since the death of Ivan IV. till the first Romanov

The word tsar was an irrevocable law. The new ruler then became the unhealthy 28 - year - old Fyodor, whose rightful place was in a monastery cell or church rather than on a throne. The violent father broke his - otherwise with Fyodor's dull intellect not too firm - his will so perfectly that he never, even as a tsar, became a completely independent man again.

Russian in the sand and piramids country

The article records the memories of two participants in the Israeli-Egyptian conflict, Soviet officers who commanded the S-125 Neva, and discusses the activities of Soviet specialists and newly created air defense units with Soviet personnel on the territory of Egypt and their action against Israeli aircraft in early August 1970.

Russian-Japanese relations after World War II

The diploma thesis is devoted to Russian-Japanese relations throughout their duration with emphasis on the period after World War II and the issue of the Kuril Islands. Both countries underwent major changes in the twentieth century. Japan, an aggressive and militaristic state in the 1930s, gained vast territory after World War II. After the defeat in 1945, it was occupied by the occupying troops, which took all power. In the second half of the twentieth century, it benefited from a strategically advantageous position in Asia and from the position of a major US ally in the bipolar world. It developed rapidly economically and in the 1960s became one of the strongest economies in the world. However, to a certain extent, it still bears the stigma of a war-torn state responsible for war, which prevents it from balancing its political influence on the economic level.

Russian-Japanese relations after World War II: 1. Prehistory of Russian-Japanese relations

Russian-Japanese relations date back to the seventeenth century, when Russian colonization began in Siberia. At the turn of the 1930s and 1940s, Russian Cossacks reached the shores of the Sea of Okhotsk and began exploring the Amur and Sakhalin rivers. However, their ambitions were cut short by the expansion of China, which, under the rule of the Manchurian tribes, merged into a strong state, lasting until 1911.

Russian-Japanese relations after World War II: 2. Interwar period

The Portsmouth Agreement remained unchanged until the end of World War II, however, during the Russian Civil War after the October Revolution and in the first half of the 1920s, Japan took advantage of the turmoil and occupied Soviet territories in the Far East. After the Great October Revolution, Japanese troops participated in international intervention in the Russian Far East and, together with other Allied troops, reached Baikal.

Russian-Japanese relations after World War II: 4. Russian-Japanese relations at the turn of the millennium

At the end of 1999, Yeltsin resigned and appointed Vladimir Putin as his successor. At first it seemed that Putin would continue the policy of his predecessor, he himself expressed his willingness to conclude a peace treaty at the promised time. On March 26, 2000, Putin was elected the new Russian president, and in September 2000, he paid an official visit to Japan. During talks with Japanese Prime Minister Yoshir Mori, the two leaders agreed that the peace treaty would not be signed by the end of 2000 and that their mutual relations had fallen into disrepair.

Russian-Japanese relations after World War II: 6. Current relations

Japan and Russia have many reasons for cooperation, both in the political field and in the economic field. Russia has long since ceased to be as strong and influential as it would be, while Japan has relatively little political weight in relation to its economic power. Both countries would therefore like to increase their influence in world politics, but on the Asian continent itself, they are growing strong competition in the form of China. China's growing position can be expected in the future, and it is in Russia's and Japan's interest to work together to balance its influence and prevent it from gaining the status of Asian hegemon.

Russian-Japanese relations after World War II: Conclusion

From the outset, relations between Russia and Japan have been accompanied by ambiguities about common borders. These then changed several times throughout history, the results of the Second World War were definitively defined. However, the post-war international situation brought speculation to this arrangement, originally agreed by the victorious participants in the war.

Russian-Japanese relations after World War II: Introduction

The diploma thesis is devoted to Russian-Japanese relations throughout their duration with emphasis on the period after World War II and the issue of the Kuril Islands. Both countries underwent major changes in the twentieth century. Japan, an aggressive and militaristic state in the 1930s, gained vast territory after World War II. After the defeat in 1945, it was occupied by the occupying troops, which took all power. In the second half of the twentieth century, it benefited from a strategically advantageous position in Asia and from the position of a major US ally in the bipolar world. It developed rapidly economically and in the 1960s became one of the strongest economies in the world. However, to a certain extent, it still bears the stigma of a war-torn state responsible for war, which prevents it from balancing its political influence on the economic level.

Soviet-British economic, political and diplomatic relations in the 1930s

Many authors have already dealt with economic, political or diplomatic events between the Soviet Union and Great Britain. We are talking about a topic that has fundamentally shaped the development of history continuously for almost the entire last century. Efforts to capture and point out the main differences between the two world powers during their historical development have therefore also been described and summarized in a number of scholarly books or case studies and texts.

Soviet-british economic, political and diplomatic relations in the 1930s: 2. The period of years 1930 – 1933

2 The period 1930 - 1933 For the clarity of the development of assumptions important for building mutual relations between Great Britain and the Soviet Union during the 1930s, the thesis individually deals with the political, economic and diplomatic field. The division and a more detailed overview then focus on their summary at the end of each chapter, which then serves at the end of the thesis to answer the fundamental questions of the analysis of the thesis.

Soviet-British economic, political and diplomatic relations in the 1930s: 3. The period 1934 - 1937

3 The period 1934 - 1937 For the sake of clarity in the development of assumptions important for building mutual relations between Great Britain and the Soviet Union during the 1930s, the diploma thesis deals individually with political, economic and diplomatic areas. The division and a more detailed overview then focus on their summary at the end of each chapter, which then serves at the end of the thesis to answer the fundamental questions of the analysis of the thesis.

Soviet-British economic, political and diplomatic relations in the 1930s: 4. The period 1938-1939

4 The period 1938 - 1939 For the clarity of the development of assumptions important for building mutual relations between Great Britain and the Soviet Union during the 1930s, the thesis individually deals with the political, economic and diplomatic field. The division and a more detailed overview then focus on their summary at the end of each chapter, which then serves at the end of the thesis to answer the fundamental questions of the analysis of the thesis.

Soviet-British economic, political and diplomatic relations in the 1930s: 5. Analytical analysis

5 Analytical analysis For the comparison of the theory presented and described in the diploma thesis with the own analytical analysis, it is essential to define the fundamental institutes in both analyzed countries. A mutual comparison of their importance in individual time periods for both the Soviet Union and Great Britain, using the method of multi-criteria analysis, should clarify from the point of view of institutional economics the interconnectedness of political, economic and diplomatic relations between the analyzed countries during the 1930s.

Soviet-British economic, political and diplomatic relations in the 1930s: 6. Conclusion

6 Conclusion The theoretical part, together with the results of the analytical section of the thesis clarified the mutual Soviet - British economic, political and diplomatic relations from 1930 - 1939. Their interaction in the historical period of the last century developed throughout to a certain extent, positively, but mainly also negatively, they contributed to the final state at the end of the 1930s.

Soviet-British economic, political and diplomatic relations in the 1930s: Introduction

1 Introduction A number of authors have dealt with economic, political or diplomatic events between the Soviet Union and Great Britain. We are talking about a topic that has fundamentally shaped the development of history continuously for almost the entire last century. Efforts to capture and point out the main differences between the two world powers during their historical development have therefore also been described and summarized in a number of scholarly books or case studies and texts.

Strategic-military cooperation between Russia and China

Russia-China relations have been one of the most important bilateral relations at the global level since the end of the Cold War. Although there has traditionally been long-standing tensions and mistrust between the two countries, in a globalizing world, relatively intensive cooperation has developed between them, which many observers have called a strategic partnership. One of its main purposes is to balance the strategic dominance of the United States and the West in general in international affairs. The following text aims to analyze the development of Russia-China relations in the security and strategic dimension and to assess how deep their cooperation is with whether it is really possible to speak of a strategic alliance between the two countries. The text works with the theory of balance of forces and a realistic approach to international relations.

Tereshkova whimpered during her flight

The world's first cosmonaut Valentina Tereshkova celebrated her 70th birthday on March 6. President Vladimir Putin invited her to the Kremlin, where he congratulated her. And after a long time avoiding the media, she met with Russian journalists in Star City to continue creating a myth about her great deed.

The basic task was to rule the world

90 years ago, the Soviet secret police were formed, later known by the acronym KGB. To this day, members of the Russian secret services proudly call themselves Chekists.

The current role of Germany and Russia in Europe's energy security

1 Introduction Energy security is a very often used term not only on the political scene in the Czech Republic, but in all countries of Central and Eastern Europe. The number of gas crises that the region has witnessed in recent years, which have seriously undermined the ability of some states to provide the most basic services to their citizens, has intensified considerations of energy as a central part of the security architecture. Tensions in the Arab world, the accident at Japan's Fukushima nuclear power plant, dwindling global fossil fuel reserves and growing energy demands in newly industrialized countries are just some of the current challenges posed by a very specific geopolitical situation in the Central European region: the dominance of two strong players. with which the region borders.

The current role of Germany and Russia in Europe's energy security

2 The concept of energy security Most authors believe that the concept of energy security first appeared in 1973, at the time of the first oil shock, when the Organization of Arab Petroleum Exporting Countries (OAPEC, the forerunner of OPEC) declared an oil embargo during the ongoing Yom Kippur War to countries supporting Israel. As a result of this embargo, the price of oil quadrupled overnight, dragging the developed world into a deep, prolonged recession accompanied by high inflation. The Islamic Revolution in one of the world's largest oil fields, Iran, and the ensuing war with another oil power, Iraq, in the late 1970s, intensified thinking about energy as a key sector of international security.

The current role of Germany and Russia in Europe's energy security

3 Dimensions and components of energy security The fact that the understanding of EB in the media and political discourse is very simplified and deals only with partial aspects of the whole, while completely ignoring others, is not surprising. Unfortunately, this is also the case in a large number of professional publications. Sometimes EB is considered synonymous with European dependence on Russian gas supplies, other times only the issue of oil is emphasized, while other raw material resources are neglected, and in some cases EB is narrowed to greenhouse gas emissions and the global warming they cause. It is also very common to focus exclusively on the external dimension of EB and to completely ignore the internal one.

The current role of Germany and Russia in Europe's energy security

4 Germany and its influence on the energy security of Central Europe Germany, together with the Russian Federation, is one of the most important players in the European energy field and the influence of its policy on the EB of Central European countries is considerable. The following part of the thesis focuses on the current energy policy of Germany, explains its effects on Central Europe and tries to recommend to the V4 countries measures that should be taken in response to German energy goals.

The current role of Germany and Russia in Europe's energy security

5 Conclusion The first and probably the most important finding from the analysis of the EB situation of the V4 countries is that despite the existence of a number of potential and direct threats the situation is by no means critical and concerns, often bordering on hysteria, which part of the public have are unfounded. The governments of the V4 countries have a wide range of external and internal energy policy instruments in their hands, which they can use effectively to ensure their long-term energy security.

The current role of Germany and Russia in Europe's energy security

Energy security is a very often used term not only on the political scene in the Czech Republic, but in all countries of Central and Eastern Europe. The number of gas crises that the region has witnessed in recent years, which have seriously undermined the ability of some states to provide the most basic services to their citizens, has intensified considerations of energy as a central part of the security architecture. Tensions in the Arab world, the accident at Japan's Fukushima nuclear power plant, dwindling global fossil fuel reserves and growing energy demands in newly industrialized countries are just some of the current challenges posed by a very specific geopolitical situation in the Central European region: the dominance of two strong players. with which the region borders.

The economic situation of the USSR during the 1941-42 and allied help of the Lend-Lease - part 1.

The first part of a series devoted to the impact of Lend-Lease aid on the USSR's war effort, which seeks to answer the basic question - "How beneficial was this aid to the USSR?" According to most, the Soviet Union would have defeated Germany without this help. Is it probably clear that this information flows mainly from the ranks of communist historians, however, what is the reality?

The economic situation of the USSR during the 1941-42 and allied help of the Lend-Lease - part 10.

Part 10 of a series on the impact of Lend-Lease aid on the USSR's war effort. "The Soviet Union would not be able to do without a supply of Allied aircraft in a critical situation!" "Aircraft deliveries accounted for only 2% of all machines for the Soviet Union."
These are just two of the overall views on the issue of aircraft supply within Lend Lease. But what are the real data and dates for 1941 and 1942?

The economic situation of the USSR during the 1941-42 and allied help of the Lend-Lease - part 11.

Part 11 of a series on the impact of Lend-Lease aid on the USSR's war effort.
"The Soviet Union would not be able to do without a supply of Allied aircraft in a critical situation!" "Aircraft deliveries accounted for only 2% of all machines for the Soviet Union."
These are just two of the overall views on the issue of aircraft supply within Lend Lease. But what are the real data and dates for 1941 and 1942?

The economic situation of the USSR during the 1941-42 and allied help of the Lend-Lease - part 13.

The thirteenth part of a series on the impact of Lend-Lease's aid on the USSR's war effort, trying to uncover the fundamental question - what effects did LL and beyond have ever had on the state budget, and did the Soviets ever pay for massive supplies from the Allies? To this day, both issues are interpreted very creatively by lay people ( eg political commentators ), politicians and historians.

The economic situation of the USSR during the 1941-42 and allied help of the Lend-Lease - part 2.

The second part of a series devoted to the impact of Lend-Lease's aid on the USSR's war effort to answer the basic question - "What was the mood among the population?" Was the population in favor of the ruling regime, and in 1941 and 1942 everyone fought "fiercely" for the Motherland, or was the mood much more complicated by the plurality of opinions?

The economic situation of the USSR during the 1941-42 and allied help of the Lend-Lease - part 3.

The third part of a series devoted to the impact of Lend-Lease aid on the USSR's war effort, which seeks to answer the fundamental question - "How critical was food aid to the USSR?" According to most, the Soviet Union would have defeated Germany without this help. It is probably clear that this information flows mainly from the ranks of communist historians, but what is the reality?

The economic situation of the USSR during the 1941-42 and allied help of the Lend-Lease - part 5.

The fifth part of a series on the impact of Lend-Lease aid on the USSR's war effort, which seeks to answer the fundamental question: " How critical was technological aid to the USSR? β€œA very little mentioned part of Lend-Lease's help, which in my opinion was one of the very important, but still not very visible parts of the program!
... To be continued ...

The economic situation of the USSR during the 1941-42 and allied help of the Lend-Lease - part 6.

The sixth part of a series devoted to the impact of Lend-Lease's aid on the USSR's war effort, which seeks to answer the basic question: "How critical was aid to logistics for the USSR?" Very often analyzed chapter especially with regard to the supply of trucks, but slightly neglected in the section devoted to railways and overall railway infrastructure.

The energy dimension of Russian-Kazakh relations

Kazakhstan and Russia have very specific relations due to their geographical proximity and economic interconnectedness. This text tries to outline the energy side of their interrelationships. Due to the limited scope, the work does not deal with all energy raw materials, but focuses only on oil and natural gas.

The impact of Chechen terrorism on Russian counter - terrorism policy and its real applications

The aim of this work is to be a relevant commentary on the relationship between the phenomenon of Chechen terrorism and the form or orientation of the counter-terrorism policy of the Russian Federation. Since it is relatively easy to recognize the causal aspects of these relationships at the general level of knowledge of the area, the authors did not try to test hypotheses based on the mentioned causality, but rather specified the interpretation of their structural and immediate causes.

The influence of the policy of the Russian Federation on the conflicts in the North Caucasus region

Introduction Looking at newspapers and magazines dealing with the political situation in the world, the reader may from time to time come across a diverse range of information and analysis concerning the Caucasus region. Their content is terrorism, Islamic radicalism, separatism, or the issue of European energy security. What these diverse concepts have in common is that they are within reach of Moscow. Russia intervenes in the North Caucasus, which is the south of the federation, as well as the South Caucasus, which is the so-called near border region. The focus of this work is the Chechen Republic, which seems to be directly or indirectly involved in most of the major factors affecting the area. The question is what makes this area so important and deserving of such significant attention from Russian political elites.

The influence of the policy of the Russian Federation on the conflicts in the North Caucasus region

1. The First and Second Russian-Chechen War (1990-1999) The Chechen question became an important and still present chapter in the history of the Russian Federation in the 1990s. At the time of its creation, Chechen separatism was not as specific and non-standard as it might seem. Declarations of independence and separatist rhetoric were a common phenomenon during the collapse of the USSR and it was almost a fad. It was a revolutionary period associated with democratization and the idea of achieving a (completely) different social establishment. Moscow's foreign policy leaned towards Westernism in the early 1990s, and Boris Yeltsin became famous for creating a so-called parade of sovereignty, visiting federal republics and offering them "as much sovereignty as I can handle." with stubbornness at a higher level.

The influence of the policy of the Russian Federation on the conflicts in the North Caucasus region

2. Chechenization and Kadyrovization (1999-2011) At the turn of the millennium, Moscow believed that, due to domestic and foreign public opinion, the persistence of Russian troops on Chechen territory would not be appropriate. It cost disproportionately high financial, material, but also moral costs and weakened the political position abroad. The situation seemed to benefit from an official change in the region's governance system to a more media-friendly form. Several variants were offered as a solution. From the directive central administration of the territory from Moscow ( proposed by the military elites ), to leaving the administration in the hands of Chechens.

The influence of the policy of the Russian Federation on the conflicts in the North Caucasus region

3. Key points for Russian politics and its tools The importance of the Russian-Chechen wars for the Russian military elites is not negligible. At the time of the first conflict, the army was in a bad economic situation. The end of the Cold War and the collapse of the USSR, together with economic reforms, led to savings in the Ministry of Defense. This was reflected in the first conflict with Chechnya, when the army proved unprepared for combat. The failure of the advance of ill-prepared troops prolonged the fighting, and more importantly, the poor situation of Russian troops probably also contributed to the factor of military crimes.

The influence of the policy of the Russian Federation on the conflicts in the North Caucasus region

4. The North Caucasus The Chechen Republic is not the only country in the North Caucasus with an unstable political and social situation. Separatist tendencies and Islamic radicalism spread mainly between 1999 and 2003 to Ingushetia, Dagestan, Kabardino-Balkaria, and partly to the countries of the South Caucasus. Today, the media describe almost every country as "the most violent area in the Russian Federation."

The influence of the policy of the Russian Federation on the conflicts in the North Caucasus region

Conclusion The weakening of Kadyrov's power through the North Caucasus Federal District seems to be the latest goal of the Russian Federation. As the stability of Chechnya is currently too dependent on Kadyr, this seems a sensible step. Its weakening will mean less of a threat in the event of its political downfall. To do this, however, it will be necessary to limit its power much more significantly. This goal is also confirmed by the approach to other presidents in an area whose competencies remain limited.

The influence of the policy of the Russian Federation on the conflicts in the North Caucasus region

Looking at newspapers and magazines dealing with the political situation in the world, the reader may from time to time come across a diverse range of information and analysis concerning the Caucasus region. Their content is terrorism, Islamic radicalism, separatism, or the issue of European energy security. What these diverse concepts have in common is that they are within reach of Moscow. Russia intervenes in the North Caucasus, which is the south of the federation, as well as the South Caucasus, which is the so-called near border region. The focus of this work is the Chechen Republic, which seems to be directly or indirectly involved in most of the major factors affecting the area. The question is what makes this area so important and deserving of such significant attention from Russian political elites.

The mythization of Korolyov continues

In Russia, they celebrated heavily the hundredth anniversary of the birth of Sergei Korolyov, the mysterious Chief Designer, the man under whose leadership the R-7 rocket, the first satellite and the first spacecraft were created. At the same time, his adoration and mythization continued. However, when we look at the biographies of other important personalities, we find that this is nothing new, it is actually the fate of every distinguished person.

The origin, development and structure of the community of so-called Vor in the law

This study of the so-called rafts in law, which are the sui generis criminal authorities of post-Soviet organized crime (OZ), seeks to reflect the origin, development and structure of this informal community, which forms a large part of the post-Soviet organized crime elite. The development is monitored from the earliest beginnings, through the era of raft dominance in the criminal world to the division of post-Soviet criminal elites into several groups with other traditions. The internal genesis and structure of the Vorov community and its current state are not left out either.

The rift between China and the USSR

The two allies from the beginning of the Cold War gradually got into bigger and bigger disputes, which eventually escalated into armed struggles at common borders.

The time of the palace coups in Russia in the 18th century

The old customs and orders of succession were shattered by the death of Emperor Alexei. Traditional succession rights were also violated by Peter's decree, which reserved the right to appoint a successor himself. And so the autocracy became a victim of the forces it had created. For 37 years after the death of Peter I, the tsar was decided by the guard, ie the political forces that were able to win the guard to their side.

The triumphs of the new Russian fleet – the acquisition of the Crimea

King of Prussia - philosopher Frederick the Great, aka "Old Fric", sometime around the middle of the 18th century, considered Russian troops to be mere hordes of barbarians. It was, however, before his great army experienced the bitterness of defeats inflicted on it by regiments of Russian "barbarians" in the battles of the Seven Years' War (1756-1763), and Cossack horses were fed water from the Spree. But how it all happened, we can tell some other time. Our talk today is about how the envoys of the Western powers in Russia deceived their breadwinners and how the Russian fleet became lord of the Black Sea.

The war in Afghanistan 1979 - 1989

The Soviet intervention in Afghanistan, which began on December 25, 1979, was preceded by several coups. One of the most significant was the coup dated April 27, 1978. It is also sometimes referred to as the Saur Revolution (Saur according to the month of Saur in the Afghan solar calendar). During the coup, President Daoud was assassinated and the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (LDSA) seized power. Although the USSR showed sympathy for this party, it was not the initiator of the coup, what's more, he did not agree with him ...

Why does Moldova not occupy Transnistria?

A special relic of the Cold War, which today de facto acts as an independent state unit with the official name of the Transnistrian Republic of Moldova, arose in the dynamic period of the collapse of the USSR. One of the secondary effects of Gorbachev's perestroika was the rise of nationalism and ethnic separatism in various parts of the Soviet empire. An exception was not Moldova, whose high Soviet adopted Moldovan as the only official language in August 1989 and declared the return of Moldovan to the Latin alphabet.

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